Is this the man?
The custodian of the dying ember?
The man who generations to come will remember as the last man standing, before the new dawn set in?
Is this the man who is going to set in an even more harsh regime?
To ensure he and his team will have a long run on the nation?
Driven by chauvinism, and detested by the international as well as the domestic society?
Is this the start of a dynasty in the Malaysian Public Life?
Does this mean that we Malaysians are so incapable that we need a select few families to tell us how to live our lives?
Are we so dependent that all aspects of our lives need to be controlled?
Are we so handicapped that we need these political dynasties to teach how to interact with each other?

It has been a long way to the top for the eldest son of Malaysia’s second Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak Hussein.
Najib’s career had a head-start because of his prestigious family name, but as the skeletons in the cupboard appear to pile up, Najib faces ever more challenges.
Born in 1953, Najib contested his late father’s seat of Pekan when the latter died in office in 1976. He was then slightly below 23 years old and still holds the record as the youngest Malaysian ever to enter Parliament.
Najib held several deputy ministerial appointments between 1978 and 1982. In 1982, at the age of 29, he was made the Menteri Besar of Pahang. He served two stints as Minister of Defence (1990-1995, 1999-2008), and served as Minister of Youth and Sports (1986-1990) and Minister of Education (1995-1999).
A decade ago, Najib was the other candidate in the race to fill the No. 2 post in Umno and government left vacant as a result of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s sacking.
But as Anwar was dismissed on alleged personal improprieties and misuse of power, then Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad selected the unimpressive but religious and squeaky clean Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi as his deputy and later his successor.
Najib almost lost his parliamentary seat in the 1999 general election, winning with a 241-vote majority.
Najib tried in vain to derail Abdullah’s ascension in mid-2003 and later swallowed his pride to serve as Abdullah’s deputy since 2004, biding his time to make his next move.
In the lead-up to the 2006 Umno general assembly, Najib and Dr Mahathir were seen preparing the ground for a showdown with Abdullah. But Dr Mahathir was immobilised by a heart attack while Najib was mired in the unfolding Altantunya case. It was thus smooth sailing for Abdullah.
As support for Abdullah within and outside Umno collapses due to the poor performance of Umno/BN in the general election and Abdullah’s failure to work a post-election second wind, Najib finally comes close to the job he probably sees as his birthright.
Apart from his personal failures, Abdullah’s downfall is, of course, in part the work of Najib the prince, the master of palace manoeuvres.
Najib’s camp was said to be involved in sabotaging candidates parachuted by the Fourth Floor during the March 8 general election.
Initially, Najib reluctantly accepted a deal to succeed Abdullah in June 2010 but, in cohorts with Dr Mahathir and Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, a groundswell of disaffection against Abdullah was manufactured, leaving Abdullah little choice but to agree to retire earlier.
Years ago in 1987, with an impressive power base and holding the balance of power in the Team A and Team B fight, in a move not unlike palace betrayal, Najib abandoned the Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah camp at the last minute and contributed to Dr Mahathir’s narrow win.
Having the most extensive internal networks within the government and Umno, and long years of experience in factional trading in Umno, unlike the hapless Abdullah, Najib is likely to be master of his own destiny in the twists and turns of Umno’s palace.
Najib may also excel as the Machiavellian prince, ever prepared to be hated so long as he is able to maintain power.
Even Abdullah, a man more humane in his outlook than most of his colleagues, failed to push for more civil liberties and democratic reform. Najib is unlikely to be a new democrat, as the fear of becoming Malaysia’s Gorbachev looms large.
The Machiavellian-Mahathir recipe of authoritarianism will probably be reincarnated in Najib’s government.
Najib the prince’s Achilles heel could be his political blue blood and his inability to comprehend the common man’s life and needs.
During the fuel hike in 2006, Najib’s “change lifestyle” statement was not unlike the “let them eat cake” comment commonly attributed to Maria Antoinette.
The alleged wrongdoings in the multi-billion Eurocopter and Sukhoi deals are just examples that add to the agony of low-level military personnel and reinforce Najib’s image as one who only cares for big-ticket weaponry.
The RM5 billion Valuecap move to prop up the market by using the life savings of the common man with the Employees Provident Fund is another blunder that manifests Najib’s failure to feel the layman’s pain in the face of the impending economic meltdown.
The Najib  a combination of Najib the master of palace wayang kulit, Najib the Machiavellian authoritarian prince and Najib the blue blood who fails to understand the ordinary people
Finally, there was a voice of reason within the storm and the words of the Yang Di-Pertuan Agong were not meant for Bersih, but also addressed at Najib Razak, the Prime Minister of Malaysia.
It was a kindly reminder to all to refrain from taking actions that would split nation, and this was exactly what had happened with regards to the reactions of the Najib administration towards Bersih.
Though some have taken the Agong’s words as playing into the hands of Najib Razak, one only needs to read the statement release to know that His Highness is also siding with the everyday Malaysians.
Firstly, nowhere within the statement does the King mentions his support towards the hard-handed methods employed by the Najib administration. His Highness’s statement cannot be taken as an endorsement of Najib and his ways.
Instead, it is a kind reminder to Najib to be wise – “However, I believe that the nation’s leadership under Yang Amat Berhormat Dato’ Sri Mohd Najib Tun Haji Abdul Razak is capable of handling this problem in the best possible way.”
His Highness further adds, “I also urge the government to carry out everything that is entrusted to it by the people in a just and wise manner, and it is important that I as the Yang di-Pertuan Agong do not want to see this country with a plural society in a situation where there is animosity among them or a section of the people being enemies with the government, on whatever grounds.”
Najib should retreat
His Highness would have taken notice of the actions of the authorities against innocent citizens who have been treated like common criminals for merely wearing a yellow tee. No doubt, the King would have also read the various spins Utusan Malaysia have on the matter. But basically, in issuing a statement at this time, Najib should be aware that he is under watch and held responsible for his actions.
Najib must now retreat and clean up the mess his administration has created. For bear in mind, it was Najib and his establishment who were gung-ho in painting Bersih – a citizen’s movement – as evil. And this gentle reminder can also be levelled at UMNO to be wiser in their conduct.
In 2008, UMNO supporters took to the streets in Terengganu to protest the BN’s choice of candidates. This went on for a few days and none of it made the evening news – there was a convenient news blackout.
The King would have known about this since he is also the Sultan of Terengganu.
And then in 2009, it was in Terengganu again, that UMNO embarrassed itself when its own elected representatives refused to acknowledge the Sultan’s decision to appoint Ahmad Said as Mentri Besar over the four-term former Idris Jusoh.
It is believed that the Terengganu Palace was unhappy with Idris, who during his four terms as mentri besar had used up the states’ monies on grand and lavish projects, like the staging of the Monsoon Cup and building the Crystal Mosque, benefitting business cronies of ex-premier Abdullah Badawi.
Should not Bersih think twice
By now, the King should be well-versed in how Najib Razak runs the government, and is fully aware who the real trouble-makers are. Thus, his royal reminder was timely. Not just to those who organised and wished to march with Bersih, but also to the Najib administration, which has clearly demonstrated how rowdy it can turn the country.
In asking Najib to meet with Bersih and to continue dialogue, the King wishes to give all the opportunity to voice their thoughts. Yet, it is once again evident that Najib is dense when instead of agreeing to the royal, he instead throws an ultimatum at Bersih. And in the next breath, the PM again denied there were any flaws in the election system/
By telling Bersih to hold the rally in a stadium ‘or else’, Najib has shown a real lack of class. Whether he manipulated the King or not, given a second, he could only exhibity the same sickening pomposity and lack of intelligence in handling the situation. A great leader would have been able to gather the people together under the warm umbrella of their King.
Perhaps, this was not possible because at the end of the day, what Najib needs to resist – even against the advice of the King – is to prevent any changes to a notoriosly ‘dirty’ electoral system. Given this scenraio, should Bersih not think twice. Why should Bersih be bowled over by Royalty when Najib doesn’t give two hoots?

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