WHY DID RTM MINAL STOP THE RECITING OF SUNAH AL QURAN PLAY MORE HINDU SONGS THE RSS HAS INFILTRATED RTM THE NEW UMNOULAMA RAISE SON OF YATIM PRETEND NOT KNOW ABOUT IT SAMY HAS WARNED NOT TO MESS WITH THE HINDUS
“WE KILLED THE MESSIAH, ‘ISA SON OF MARYAM, MESSENGER OF ALLAH.” THEY DID NOT KILL HIM AND THEY DID NOT CRUCIFY HIM BUT IT WAS MADE TO SEEM SO TO THEM. THOSE WHO ARGUE ABOUT HIM ARE IN DOUBT ABOUT IT. THEY HAVE NO REAL KNOWLEDGE OF IT, JUST CONJECTURE. BUT THEY CERTAINLY DID NOT KILL HIM. ALLAH RAISED HIM UP TO HIMSELF. ALLAH IS ALMIGHTY, ALL-WISE. (SURAT AN-NISA: 157-158)
THE DEAD BODIES OF THE 5 SISTERS KILLED TWO DAYS AGO IN JABALIA, THE GAZA STRIP,BRITISH BASTARDS WHO CREATED THEPROBLEM ARE ANSWERABLE IF EVER THEY HAVE HUMANITY IN THEM
KILLING THE DEVIL AND HUNDREDS OF ANGELSANY AMOUNT OF DEATH IS JUSTIFIABLE IF YOU ARE TARGETING THE ENEMY.
Killing The Devil And Hundreds Of Angels
- The dead bodies of the 5 sisters killed
Ahmedabad: Suspended IPS officer Sanjiv Bhatt claimed that he had some very vital documents in connection with Gujarat 2002 riots. He will put it to Sc at an appropriate time.Controversial and openly revolting anti-government IPS officer Sanjiv Bhatt has been suspended from his job two days. .. He was not on going to the place of duty for a long time and was openly challenging the government through one and other mean.
Talking with Indian Muslim Observer, he said that his suspension is illogical. he will challenge it in proper forum.he reiterated “I believe it is my painful duty to bring to the notice of this Hon’ble Court that the SIT does not appear to be living up to the enormous trust reposed in it by the Supreme Court of India, to conduct an impartial and thorough probe into the allegations of a larger conspiracy and administrative complicity behind the Gujarat riots of 2002 and hence the present affidavit.”
“The leakage of details regarding my earlier deposition and interaction with SIT has eventually found their way to the media and has further jeopardized my safety and the safety and security of my family members.
“SIT has chosen to intimidate certain witnesses and coerce them in to refraining from stating the true facts and thereby has created an impression that the SIT is becoming a party to the ongoing cover-up operation in Gujarat.”
“”Even today, the situation in Gujarat is such, that witnesses would be afraid of vindictive reprisals and persecution at the hand of the State machinery. Evidently, witnesses serving under the control of State government would be highly reluctant to come forward and take a stand that could imperil their own safety or the safety and security of their families. I therefore request that this Hon’ble Court be pleased to ensure that the SIT follows up on all the leads provided by me in such manner that even reluctant witnesses feel safe and confident to state the truth.”
In 2002, Bhatt was based in Gandhinagar as deputy commissioner of intelligence in the State Intelligence Bureau. He is now posted as principal of the State Reserve Police Centre in Junagadh.
Some of the recent developments have put the premier Hindu organization Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, better known by the acronym RSS, and its many offshoots, in a very awkward position. It has to hectically defend itself on the charges of terrorism and the anticipated ban. May be the issue has a political bickering in the midst of the ongoing power struggle between the ‘secular’ India and a ‘Hindu’ India, of which Muslims and other minorities are just not the silent spectators but they themselves have been turned into the tug of war and the target of persecution from both the sides; however, it is the RSS’s sour responsibility to emerge clear on the board. The noose of investigation is getting tighter for a section of its present or former rank and file and if it fails to plead innocence it might be proscribed once more.
The irony is that the RSS and its many affiliates are not distancing themselves from the conspiracies of ‘civil war’ which were apprehended to be hatched for creating ‘abhinava bharat’, a new India, through ‘cultural cleansing’ and total subordination of Muslims and others. Fortunately, the sordid vision has been caught in the budding stage of a camouflaged terrorism on the part of some radical Hindu groups, thanks to the dispassionately trend setting investigations of late Hemant Karkare and his team. The debate on the so-called ‘saffron terrorism’ and the implication of some RSS workers in a number of bomb blast cases have been publically decried by the RSS as the Congress malevolence against the ‘Hindu’ leadership. Even from the recently held Goa summit, where all prominent RSS leaders assembled for reflecting on the current situation, and the Gauhati national executive meeting of the BJP, strangely enough, the blame was imparted on ‘the Muslim appeasement’ as the cause of ‘persecution’ of RSS cadres.
It is understandable that no one can be regarded as guilty unless proven so beyond any point of doubt by the court of law and, therefore, one’s well wishers and sympathizers are justified to publically and legally defend the one whom they consider innocent. The RSS group also enjoys the same right for its associates, especially when, as an organization, it itself is not, and also should not be, the party to any alleged terrorist activity. However, there is a need to recall the days when Muslim youths were implicated in similar cases, mostly by framed or alleged evidences. The outcry was high against the so-called ‘Islamic terrorism’. Most people in the country believed it to be a real thing. In spite of the fact that out of 175 banned organizations from a cross section of society only 40 were having Muslim background, still ‘terrorism’ somehow became ‘Islamic’. The witch-hunt for every ‘potential’ Muslim hardliner, whether he is involved in any extremist activity or not, was witnessed by the Muslim community for a long, long time. It had been repeatedly pointed out, ‘Though all Muslims are not terrorists but all terrorists are Muslims’. Harsher laws for dealing with ‘terrorism’ were espoused. Violence perpetuated against Muslims in Godhara and against Christians in Kandhmal was justified on one or the other pretext, even while ignoring the friendly advice of Raj Dharma of the erstwhile prime minister of India Atal Bihari Vajpayee in the former case. Hundreds of Muslim youths, who could have otherwise contributed for the well being of their families and for the country, were put behind the bar; many of them are presently waiting for justice in Gujarat jails.
Surely, the RSS cannot be solely blamed for whatever some sections of Muslims, Christians and Sikhs are facing today. There are others who often need their persecution as the ’need of the time’. May be there were a few real culprits from these communities who fell prey to some international conspiracies and to their own personal vengeance against the prevalent communal persecution in the country, but in most of the cases there has always been a clear sign of innocence, still the Hindu leadership directly or indirectly strengthened their plight. Recall all the statements appertained to terrorism in the last two decades; no doubt, those from this leadership comprise most of the tonnage of words on the issue. Now, there is a turnaround. History is playing its game. ‘Islam’ has been replaced by ‘saffron’, ‘Muslim terrorism’ by ‘Hindu terrorism’. The proverbial statement can now be pronounced like this “Though all RSS people are not terrorists but all terrorists (arrested recently) are RSS men”. If this historical organization claims impairment by media trials, Muslims have faced still a worse situation a few months back since they do not have any match with the political clout enjoyed by the RSS in the establishment. If the RSS leaders feel that investigating agencies are leaking ‘sensitive’ information to media the same was the situation earlier as well. You cannot enjoy a wrong thing while forgetting that some time it could befall on you as well.
There are Hindu activists who would be passing through the same sleepless nights as several Muslim families a few days back and even now. Just imagine had the acts like TADA and POTA still promulgated, all those Hindu radicals arrested by the police would have been automatically got convicted by the mere evidence of their confession in police custody itself and whatever extracted from them through police remand would have become a legal proof in any court of law; they are actually saved from that comfort of the prosecution since these draconian laws had got revoked in spite of the insistence of the Hindu leadership. Those who repeatedly banned a Muslim organization during their reign and feel to demand similar undemocratic prohibitions on other Muslim organizations from time to time are facing a looming possibility to test the same agony. The RSS activists always speak in terms of a retrogressive history but now they are on the verge of the revenge of history. History runs a callous cycle of events, no doubt.
There can be hardly any denial that India has come of a long way since the colonial tactics of communal divide as an instrument of power retention but some political movements and parties feel it to be an easy ride to power. Indian people, especially the youth, are now wise enough to chaff the populist issues from the issues of development. They are voicing against corruption, casteism and communalism as the three chronic ailments of Indian society. They are voting for progress and real ground level work. Now a younger generation, liberal and open-minded, is going to predominantly influence the power politics. In such a situation any communal card of this or that party is not going to entail much political gain.
It should be deeply and seriously taken into account that basically there are four major political ideologies having some valid inroads among people; secularism, communism, Hindutva and Islam. They can compete with each other for a political space apart from a social one. It should be left to the wise people of the country to support them or not. There should be some rules of the game. Any foul play would be disastrous for the entire country. Recourse to violence and unfair means would always be counterproductive. The instruments of secularism and communism are often being used to unreasonably weaken Hindutva and Islam. Hindutva and Islam play against each other through the thin cover of secularism. In this context organizations espousing Hindutva have the democratic right to work and function. But, no one should be allowed to take law in his own hand whatever clout one enjoys in society. This can only harm the Indian nation (it is something not akin to a ‘Hindu’ nation as the RSS people chose to call).
When the RSS says that accusation of ‘Hindu terrorism’ is fake and a politically motivated malice, and rubbish it as a Congress design for ‘Muslim appeasement’, it subtly concedes and endorses that the same sort of ‘design’ could have been operative against Muslims as well, perhaps for ‘Hindu appeasement’ especially in states where the BJP voted to power. If the police, ATSs, SITs, NIA and IB can be said as inclined to witch-hunt of RSS cadres, there is a strong possibility that the same sort of perpetration has been in practice against the Muslim youths as well. The RSS and its rank and file did not oppose such wrongs earlier, rather it is considered by many Muslims as the cause behind such persecutions of their kiths and kin. The RSS people cannot take the two-way advantage of a self-created situation. They cannot tacitly support or become instrument to a worsening situation of civil rights against other communities and complain the same when it rebounds. They cannot abuse Karkare for investigating against a Hindu radical and call him a great hero of the land when he is believed to be assassinated by a Muslim youth. So, one has to accept any of the two scenarios, either the police and investigating agencies are puppets of political lords now and earlier as well in case of Muslims or they are doing their sore job of maintaining social peace and law and order. Presumably, if the law enforcement has not allowed the alleged Muslim perpetrators inclined to violence, how it can be supposed to allow the alleged Hindu radicals doing the same.
The Kaleem-Aseemanad encounter must open our eyes. It should bring home the futility of communal hatred as the philosophy of power struggle. Here a Muslim boy behaved as a selfless human being, and a Hindu saintly person, allegedly running for rooting out Muslims, has to surrender his soul seeing the boy’s bizarre behavior. This is the touch of humanity. Many such times came earlier as well but sporadically and locally. Maulana Sajjad Nomani narrates that when there was a communal flare up in Kanpur just after the demolition of Babri Masjid and some Hindus happened to bear the major brunt of the situation, apprehending worsening of the situation as a consequence he rushed with a team of Muslim youths for donating blood to the injured people. This changed the entire scenario. A similar incident happened when there was a bomb blast in Varanasi a few years back. Some Muslim youths associated with Samajwadi Party went to the hospital and donated blood to the wounded persons. As a consequence, the situation did not turn to be a communal strife. A few years back there was a stampede in the Chamunda Devi temple of Jodhpur Fort in Rajasthan where hundreds of Hindu pilgrims were rescued by the Muslims of the nearby localities; and, then came the book on Jinnah by Jaswant Singh the trustee of the temple. Muslim Kashmiris’ emergency help to Amaranth pilgrims several times is part of the Indian history. May be the Indian society is fraught with incidences of such gives and takes, in most of the localities, especially in critical times, but we hardly take a heed. We consider such examples as rare and extraordinary and fail to raise society on a better footing by generalizing them. Our hate and vengeance against each other, mostly perpetrated and propagated for ulterior motives, throws us to the nadir of beastliness.
Here is the potential turning point for the RSS to rethink its methodology; and, surely there is a lesson for others as well who are engaged for an ideological change in the country. First of all it should come forward to unequivocally oppose just not ‘terrorism’ but ‘all shades of terrorism’. It should leave the fate of those who might or might not have been involved in terrorist acts but are presently facing police investigations and legal proceedings for the same, to the court of law. It should first pressurize the BJP-led governments to sincerely review terrorist cases for protecting the rights of innocents and unintended individuals leading to relief and release of those who are not really involved in any serious crime and see the nation standing behind it in case of any persecution of its cadres by any one. It should join hands for upholding human rights of others so that any violation of rights of its cadres could be checked. It should see that when the so-branded Muslim/Islamic terrorism was in debate the Muslim leadership undertook nation-wide campaigns through their different banners for mass awareness and building an atmosphere against violence in the name of religion. They impressed upon the community that Islam does not endorse rather calls it a sin to harm innocent people. Now it is the turn of the RSS to rise to the occasion and champion the cause of peace and harmony. Its silence on the gravity of the issue or taking recourse to simplistic diversionary tactics would only bring the reckoning time nearer.
Dead letters at the post office are we– Zareef Ahmed Zareef, contemporary Kashmiri poet
What do the people of Indian-controlled Kashmir want?
It’s a question as old as you want it to be, but one that it is alive today, six decades after the decolonisation of the Indian subcontinent left Kashmir divided between India and Pakistan, clearly suggesting that Kashmiris themselves have not even been asked. Or been offered a credible mechanism to determine their collective will.
Instead, the general experience in Kashmir has been that of a repressed subject population ruled by a coercive and militarised governing structure, mainly constituting a client political class cultivated by New Delhi, and which therefore cannot represent the dominant Kashmiri aspiration of an end to Indian rule.
One of the manifestations of that aspiration is a deep yearning among the people of Kashmir for freedom. For a social, political and moral order that is free from suspicion, from invasive state surveillance and the constant threat of incarceration and violent death. Attributes that stem from Indian military dominance of the disputed region.
Since the partition of the Indian subcontinent that aspiration has not remained unchanged. In the aftermath of decolonisation, and right up to the late 1980s, the yearning for freedom in Kashmir, in the main, meant being a part of Pakistan. But a significant educated political class has all along espoused an independent state of Jammu and Kashmir, free from both the rival claims of the two neighbouring countries.
The past two decades saw the political movement inside Kashmir transformed, from an armed militancy to intifada-style array of stone throwing street demonstrations – but accompanied within Kashmir by a consistent assessment of what freedom means for its people. The long experience of being a “part” of India, and a new understanding of the Pakistani state, has apparently led to a desire to be free from both.
Kashmir has a centuries-long history of struggle against rulers from outside the Himalayan region, the last being its subjugation by the Dogra rulers from the Punjab who had bought the people and their land from the British colonial authorities in 1846 with the Treaty of Amritsar.
When the British left the subcontinent in 1947, the people of Kashmir believed their moment in history had also arrived. But freedom from Dogra autocracy was soon to be replaced with India and Pakistan, both claiming the territory, and, after fighting a war over it that same year, dividing it between themselves. The Kashmiri nation, which had rallied against the Dogra regime for decades, often alongside the Indian freedom movement, was left wounded and undermined.
Resistance to the Indian rule of Kashmir has also transformed during the past six decades. After a brief five-year period of relative self-rule ended in 1952, the client Kashmiri ruling class ensured the political arm-twisting of those political groups who – in accordance with the principles of partition – wanted Kashmir to be a part of Pakistan. It paved the way for Al Fateh, an embryonic armed movement for freedom from India, but this was neutralised at an early stage during the 1970s.
This latest phase of the Kashmiri struggle to find its own place in the world turned militant in 1989, when thousands of Kashmiri Muslims – backed by Pakistan – took to arms against Indian rule. This phase also signalled the miserable failure of a several decades-long Indian attempt at emotionally integrating Kashmir with New Delhi. They fought for freedom from being misrepresented, and with the aspirations of a future outside Indian sovereignty.
Up until decolonisation of the Indian subcontinent, Kashmir’s culture, language, economy, identity, religious and social order had been a continuum of major influences from western India – now Pakistan – from central Asia, and further afield, even from Persia. That immense civilisational backyard had significantly informed the Kashmiri people’s worldview. But now Kashmir was amputated from that body and another dimension of spiritual suffering was added for its isolated inhabitants.
For generations, Kashmiris had journeyed for trade and spiritual gratification to the fabled Central Asian cities of Bukhara, Tashkent, Samarkand and Lhasa. All that suddenly came to an end. Kashmiris are struggling today in the hope of a chance to restore the nation to the world that had historically nurtured its identity and soul.
For the people, taking to arms meant a sharp surge in militarism by India, making Kashmir the world’s most militarised zone. That armed conflict has – so far – left 70,000 people violently killed and an unending saga of humiliation, disappeared young men, orphans, widows – and silence from the outside world.
Two decades later, the armed rebellion has received a crushing blow, but the extreme militarisation of Kashmir remains unchanged. Official estimates suggest 627,000 Indian armed forces personnel, protected with impunity laws, are deployed to control an acutely alienated population of a little more than ten million.
Strategy for independence
To regain self-rule, Kashmiri resistance groups had tried the electoral route that the Indian constitution held out, despite a long history of a lack of credibility of that process. Elections held ostensibly for administrative purposes had always been interpreted by New Delhi as repeated referendums in its favour. But all that changed in 1987 when elections to the state legislature were massively rigged in favour of the expressly pro-India parties. For many of those who later picked up arms, and others who would be called “separatists”, that election meant the end of constitutionally permissible ways to determine political destiny, and marked the beginning of an armed uprising.
The heavy cost of two decades of this war, and the post 9/11 global “war on terror” have also forced Kashmiris to re-assess their strategy to avoid being branded as “terrorists”. The armed rebellion has for the most part today metamorphosised into mass anti-India street protests, which, since 2008, challenges Indian rule in ways that are more acceptable internationally. But, like the harsh military response to armed militancy and the resultant militarised scenario, the government’s response to street protests has been brutal. Two years before Tahrir Square, Kashmir had its own “million-man-march” against Indian rule. Government forces killed 60 unarmed protesters during the mass rally.
In 2010, during anti-India stone throwing street protests against Indian rule, government action added more than 100 youths to the body count in Kashmir. Enraged Kashmiri people responded by memorialising their loss, struggle and sacrifice – forcing New Delhi to change its approach, if only superficially.
Deeply resented by Kashmiris, the invasive presence of the incredibly high concentration of armed forces among them now seeks acceptance among the population as coercive partners for their future within India. The army and other federal paramilitary forces have started a new “hearts and minds” campaign in the hope of winning acceptability among the Kashmiri youth at the forefront of the new movement for freedom. It clearly indicates the absence of any intention to demilitarise Kashmir, even as it is becoming increasingly unbearable for everyone – except those among the pro-India political elite.
Harsh Indian rule
For the immediate future, Kashmiris want an end to a situation that in the Indian perspective necessitates draconian laws such as the Public Safety Act (PSA) and the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) to keep its hold over the Kashmiri people. Under the PSA, described by Amnesty International as a “lawless law”, a political dissenter can be jailed for up to two years without formal charges or a trial. Hundreds of protesters arrested on charges of throwing stones at government forces have also been slapped with PSA charges. The law is wantonly used as a revolving door to keep dissenting voices “out of circulation”.
The AFSPA, on the other hand, grants sweeping powers and impunity to the federal armed forces deployed in Kashmir in their hundreds of thousands. Its provisions allow armed forces personnel to arrest or kill people and destroy private property on the mere suspicion that of actions against the state.
Armed forces’ personnel accused of grave human rights violations such as custodial killings of civilians and rape cannot be tried in civilian courts unless specifically permitted by New Delhi. Human rights defenders and police themselves have established hundreds of such cases prima facie against army and paramilitary forces’ personnel, but not a single prosecution has been possible since 1990 – for want of the mandatory sanction from New Delhi.
But demands for demilitarising Kashmir and the repeal of laws such as AFSPA have started coming from within Indian civil society as well. The Indian army has declined to operate in Kashmir without the cover of AFSPA by calling the impunity law its “holy book”.
With the bitter national memory of loss and humiliation caused by the militarisation of Kashmir, New Delhi is unlikely to succeed in attempts to normalise this extreme situation.
Meanwhile, Kashmiris are feeling ever more politically choked after the mass upsurge of the summer of 2010 – which was followed by a massive security crackdown, large scale arrests of protesters and resistance leaders alike from across the region – including some who are charged with protesting on Facebook.
The renewed stifling conditions have pushed the new generation of youth to force open new spaces amid the enforced “surface calm” which prevails now, after three years of mass protests against Indian rule and retaliatory killings by government forces. They have begun representing themselves by writing about their condition using the internet and social media such as Facebook and Youtube to reach out to a wider world. However, there is yet no sign of any significant change visible on the horizon.
When Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh recently hoped that “Pakistan will leave Kashmir alone” he also revealed the Indian state’s will to maintain the status quo, in the face of a decades-old mass movement for the right to self-determination in the part India holds in the disputed region.
In the autumn of 2010, New Delhi also appointed three interlocutors to engage “all shades of political opinion” in Kashmir. They lack credibility in Kashmir, as the main resistance leadership continues to refuse to meet them – mainly because the interlocutors are working for a political solution to the issue of Kashmir within the Indian Constitution.
An approach to resolve the dispute without the participation of Kashmiri resistance leadership presents a cul-de-sac. The region remains a keg of bitter and unforgiving memory, likened by many observers now to a live bomb – connected to a fuse that is already lit. The military establishment is constantly trying to lengthen the fuse.
Indian and Pakistani foreign ministers recently resumed a bilateral dialogue, but nothing more than enhancing a few existing Kashmir-specific confidence-building measures between the nuclear-armed rivals was achieved. The Kashmiri demand of inclusion in that dialogue process has again been ignored.
While people in Kashmir are waiting for the two countries to agree to end their political and existential uncertainty, they continue a lonely journey – pushing for, and hoping to win, a chance to decide their own future.
Parvaiz Bukhari is an independent journalist reporting from Indian-controlled Kashmir.