It really does not matter if media groups are biased but what is important is that the state has very little influence on what the public has access to.’Since the online world now consists of two pieces of equal size, I believe the traditional vocabulary is obsolete.malaysia’s media groups is trapped in an existential dilemma .I have proposed that we refer to the new network layer — the sum of the wired Internet and the mobile data infrastructure for cellular and Wi-Fi — as the Hypernet. Its software counterpart is the Hyperweb, which today includes the traditional Web and app model, but which may evolve to include other technologies in the future, is trapped in an existential dilemma. they cannot blame themself for the wreck hey has wrought. To do so would severely damage, if not abort, a career born in genetic entitlement and wafted into that exhilarating but oxygen-thin ozone layer of celebrity. they cannot blame umno either, the favoured recourse of mainstream media caught in a crisis, for they are slaves of UMNO in more senses than one. They owe their job to their political masters of the umno-Barisan and more specifically Mahathir. He tried blaming the local opposition, particularly too obvious to raise anything more substantial than a yawn.
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Why do we need new vocabulary?MCA-UMNO PRESS PROSTITUTES ARE RAMPANT PROMISCUITY AND A HYPERSEXUALIZED SOCIETY.
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Everything about the app market works differently from the Web. The failure to recognize this is one reason why Web leaders like Google have been unable to build profitable businesses around apps. When companies incorrectly define their market — as the railroads did in the face of competition from trucks and jets — they leave themselves vulnerable. Hence, the need for new vocabulary.
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When Google started in 1998, it transformed Web monetization with index search. To make that happen, Google adhered to the cultural norms of the open source community by focusing on the long tail, making everything free, commoditizing content, and encouraging an “anything goes” atmosphere. This was no problem when the Web was small, but once it hit critical mass the “techie” Web experience began to lose its allure. One factor was the static nature of the Web itself. For more than a decade, the web has been stuck with HTML 4 as its platform and Flash as its media format. No wonder content was commoditized. There was no way to differentiate without spending more than customers would pay.Self-preservation is the default mode of the self-destructive
The world’s power centres are beginning to counterbalance each other, undermining hegemonic ambitions and heralding a creative instability based on genuine multipolarity, with people gaining greater freedom to define their fate in the global arena.
Paradoxically, today’s global changes and challenges offer the potential for both peaceful coexistence and violent conflict. Whether fortunately or not, it is up to us – alone – to determine which future it will be.The world is currently being shaken by tectonic changes almost too numerous to count: the ongoing economic crisis is accelerating the degradation of international governance and supranational institutions, and both are occurring alongside a massive shift of economic and political power to Asia. Less than a quarter-century after Francis Fukuyama declared “the end of history”, we seem to have arrived at the dawn of a new age of social and geopolitical upheaval.
A few years ago, it was fashionable to worry about the challenge that authoritarian-style capitalism (for example, in China, Singapore, Malaysia or Russia) presented to Western democratic capitalism. Today, the problem is not only economic.Indeed, measured against today’s standards, Mahathir, Charles de Gaulle, Winston Churchill and Dwight Eisenhower were comparatively authoritarian leaders. The West will have to re-adopt such an approach, or risk losing out globally as its ultra-right and ultra-left political forces consolidate their positions and its middle classes begin to dissolve.
Western capitalism’s model of a society based on near-universal affluence and liberal democracy looks increasingly ineffective compared to the competition. Authoritarian countries’ middle classes may push their leaders towards greater democracy, as in malaysia.china Russia, but Western democracies will also likely become more authoritarianBut the economic crisis has made it impossible to maintain a good life on borrowed money. Americans and Europeans are beginning to understand that neither they, nor their children, can assume that they will become wealthier over time.Governments now face the difficult task of implementing reforms that will hit the majority of voters hardest. In the meantime, the minority that has benefited financially over the past two decades is unlikely to give up its advantages without a fight.Dramatically, the Arab world has been swept by a revolutionary spring, though one that is rapidly becoming a chilly winter. Indeed, for the most part, the new regimes are combining the old authoritarianism with Islamism, resulting in further social stagnation, resentment and instability.All of this cannot fail but to weaken Western democracy’s allure in countries like Russia, where, unlike in the West or to a large extent the Arab world, those who are organising the massive demonstrations against the government belong to the economic elite. Theirs is a movement of political reform – demanding more freedom and government accountability – not of social protest, at least not yet.huge opportunities beckon in times of far-reaching change. Billions of people in Asia have extricated themselves from poverty. New markets and spheres for applying one’s intellect, education and talents are appearing constantly. The world’s power centres are beginning to counterbalance each other, undermining hegemonic ambitions and heralding a creative instability based on genuine multipolarity, with people gaining greater freedom to define their fate in the global arena.Paradoxically, today’s global changes and challenges offer the potential for both peaceful coexistence and violent conflict. Whether fortunately or not, it is up to us – alone – to determine which future it will be.This is becoming particularly relevant today, as the smell of war hangs over Iran. Israel, which is facing a surge of hostile sentiment among its neighbours in the wake of their “democratic” upheavals, is not the only interested party. Many people in the advanced countries, and even some in Russia, look increasingly supportive of a war with Iran, despite – or perhaps owing to – the need to address the ongoing global economic crisis and failure of international governance.We must find ways to prevent the political polarisation that gave rise to totalitarian systems – communist and fascist – in the 20th century. Fortunately, this is possible. Communism and fascism were born and took root in societies demoralised by war, which is why all steps should be taken now to prevent the outbreak of war.