you are trespassing into our land and you dare sue us? go lick Rosy pussy .

you are trespassing into our land and you dare sue us? go lick Rosy pussy .

LYnas, Bakun, PKFZ, NFC, 1MDB… just another Umno/BN fiasco which has corrupted, polluted, poisioned and will eventually bankrupt the nation.See you in court and let the whole world knows about this esp the australiansGood, this will enable the anti-rare earth plant group to expose more shit through the courts. Go sue and let’s see.you are trespassing into our land and you dare sue us? go lick Rosy pussy .Anti-Lynas NGO Save Malaysia Stop Lynas (SMSL) will not bow down to the letter of demand by Lynas Sdn Bhd to apologise over the alleged false statements in an open letter the NGO issued to the prime minister on March 21.

That running a coalition government is not easy has been made obvious enough by the experience of the Najib UMNO government. If in its first innings, it was felt that the overbearing presence of the PERKASA was stifling; in fact, the second MCAand MIC started with a big sense of relief that the monkey was finally off the governments’ back. Of course as it turns out, the Najib’s-government’s back seems to be laden with an entire zoo, given the behaviour of its allies. The implicit logic for the najib- government’s many capitulations is that coalitions by their very nature, require a spirit of compromise, a willingness to accommodate the other side even when there is disagreement about some issues. Of course, what we are seeing now, is a complete breakdown of almost all Najib’s government action.
None of the big initiatives taken by Najib have managed to sneak out into reality, not the MCC, not the A.G, not the Police in cows, not even Mahathir.
The question that arises is if there is any point at which power becomes dysfunctional. The implicit legitimacy of hanging on to power by successive acts of compromise must surely reach a stage where any more accommodation of the other side makes the very idea of being in power redundant. Worse, the compulsions of staying in power might push the government not only towards inaction, of which Malaysia has a long and glorious history, but of action with long-term and potentially far-reaching consequences.
Ultimately there has been only one political master for UMNO – the Malays. UMNO makes no apologies to anyone in its pursuit to do the bidding of this master.
Lose the Malay votes and UMNO will lose the government. Whatever the Malays have expected UMNO President and Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak to do he has done or is in the process of doing, or has promised to do.
“Ketuanan Melayu” (Malay supremacy) is the very foundation of UMNO’s being. Islam is a work in progress and he has spared no effort in its promotion and advancement. And what he has promised the Malays after winning the right to govern is a renewal of UMNO’s commitment to Malay supremacy.
What else will the Malays want UMNO to do? For a start, there is the credibility factor within UMNO. When there is truth in the things that are being said against its own people, UMNO understands that even God himself cannot save UMNO from the wrath of the electorate.
The sorry state of affairs that is the NFC (National Feedlot Corporation) has now irrefutably destroyed the credibility of Shahrizat (Abdul Jalil, UMNO Wanita chief) even before the court has an opportunity to confirm it.
The Malays can understand defeat at the polls. But they cannot understand son-in-laws running amok on the fourth floor of the Prime Minister’s Department, a wife with a penchant for Hermes handbags who insists on being designated FLOM (First Lady of Malaysia), children of ex-prime ministers with insane wealth who are given Cabinet posts and a wife who feigns ignorance of her husband’s purchase of RM10 million condos.
The Malays do not take too kindly to people thumbing their nose at them while riding the gravy train. Even if UMNO does not have credible leaders within its ranks, the illusion that it has, must be maintained. And so Shahrizat has to go.
otherwise there is little by way of ideological glue that holds its weak centrism together. Also, the longer this government stays in power in its current state, all the news around it is likely to be negative. We will only hear of how it got stymied, and as it freezes into inaction, afraid to lift a finger lest it be chopped off, news channels, hungry for something to masticate, will focus on scams and scandals, of which we seem to have an inexhaustible supply. More cynically and perhaps most importantly, the one benefit of power; its ability to generate money has also dried up given the intense scrutiny that all new actions are under.
Totalling up the balance sheet, there seem to very few advantages to staying in power. No possibility of any affirmative legislative action, the chance of being forced to take damaging decisions, the ignominy of looking limp and utterly helpless, the prospect of diminishing the aura around key leaders, the likelihood of running out of allies, the loss of self-confidence and belief within the party and of course the rapidly reducing opportunities to make money.
Najib ‘s “twisted” Proclivities of the Malays
Poor Malay agenda must be done right this time, says Najib Question is, can the UMNO party’s heir-apparent afford to be missing from the political hurly-burly chaos that seems to have descended upon UMNO, after all the flipflop? Shouldn’t agenda must be done right this time, says Najib But he certainly opened the floodgates to that interpretation.he be around to test the political ropes being forged anew ? Or simply, smell the coffee? UMNO president is probably wondering what has to do tomorrow morning to soothe all those huge egos threatening his government from within.“We” — the always presumptively affluent readers — needed to find some way to help the poor, but we also needed to understand that there was something wrong with them, something that could not be cured by a straightforward redistribution of wealth. Think of the earnest liberal who encounters a panhandler, is moved to pity by the man’s obvious destitution, but refrains from offering a quarter — since the hobo might, after all, spend the money on booze a good job of making the poor seem “other”that poor Malay communities, different from the rest of us, it argued, radically different, and not just in the sense that they were deprived, disadvantaged, poorly housed, or poorly fed. They felt different, too, thought differently, and pursued lifestyles characterized by shortsightedness and intemperance. As Harrington wrote, “There is… a language of the poor, a psychology of the poor, a worldview of the poor. To be impoverished is to be an internal alien, to grow up in a culture that is radically different from the one that dominates the society.”All right, some of them did lead disorderly lives by middle class standards, involving drinking, brawling, and out-of-wedlock babies. But they were also hardworking and in some cases fiercely ambitious qualities seemed to reserve for the economically privilege

It looks Prime Minister Najib Razak is starting to ramp up resistance against the planned Bersih 3.0 sit-down protest planned for April 28, with Umno-linked ultra Malay rights group Perkasa calling Bersih co-chairman Samad Said, who is also the national laureate, a “traitor”.

“This is just the beginning and we expect it to get worse later on but Najib is only sealing his own grave by pulling such nonsense. The people will teach him a lesson,” PKR vice president Tian Chua told Malaysia Chronicle.

Ambiga Sreenevasan, the other chairman of the Bersih movement for free and fair elections, was also accused of being anti-Muslim. This is not the first time Perkasa has hurled such bigoted remarks at Ambiga.

“Samad Said, don’t be a traitor to the nation. It is very clear who is Ambiga. I stand strong in my conviction that she is anti-Muslim,” Malaysian Insider quoted Perkasa Youth chief Irwan Fahmi Ideris as saying.

Rattling the same sabre

But alarming though Irwan may sound, he was rattling the same sabre. Perkasa, founded by Pasir Mas MP Ibrahim Ali, has the support Umno bigwigs including former premier Mahathir Mohamad, who is its patron, as well as PM Najib, who is also the current Umno president.

During the run-up Bersih 2.0 rally held on July 9, 2011, Najib had unleashed the full force of his authority, office, police, government machinery, Umno and its NGOs at Bersih supporters. He outlawed the movement and even arrested all those who wore yellow t-shirts – Bersih’s signature color.

But it failed to dent the determination of some 50,000 Malaysians who gathered to demand for a clean up of the electoral system, known to favour the BN with large-scale gerrymandering, phantom voters and vote buying put in place and practiced through the decades.

The real traitors

Nonetheless, Irwan and Perkasa did not mention or acknowledge this dimension of the Bersih struggle.

“Don’t you dare try to get our students involved, Samad Said. Don’t you become a traitor. You are a Muslim. You have to show that you are not supporting Ambiga. You should be protecting Islam.  Do not split the Malays even further. Today, you have Malays in support of PAS, PKR, Umno, stop splitting them for selfish gains,” said Irwan.

PKR vice president Tian Chua slammed Perkasa for racial hypocrisy and accused them of being the real traitors.

“Perkasa is not fighting for the rights of the Malays but Umno. If it is fighting for the Malays, then it should demand that Umno cleans up the electoral roll to prevent fraud and the voters’ wishes from being thwarted. There is no excuse for such behavior, only one explanation – Perkasa is the real traitor of the Malays, the Muslims and all Malaysians as well. To sell out like this for political favor or largesse is the height of betrayal,” said Tian.

 

by José Antonio Ocampo (04-04-12)

José Antonio Ocampo, former United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Economic and Social Affairs and former Finance Minister of Colombia, is Professor and Member of the Committee on Global Thought at Columbia University.

I have been honored by World Bank directors representing developing countries and Russia to be selected as one of two developing-country candidates to become the Bank’s next president. So I want to make known to the global community the principles that will guide my actions if I am elected – principles based on lessons learned from development experience.

That experience has taught me that successful development is always the result of a judicious mix of market, state, and society. Trying to suppress markets leads to gross inefficiencies and loss of dynamism. Trying to do without the state leads to unstable and/or inequitable outcomes. And trying to ignore social actors that play an essential role at the national and local levels precludes the popular legitimacy that successful policymaking requires.

Indeed, the specific mix of markets, state, and society should be the subject of national decisions adopted by representative authorities. This means that it is not the role of any international institution to impose a particular model of development on any country – a mistake that the World Bank made in the past, and that it has been working to correct. Because no “one-size-fits-all” strategy exists, the Bank must include among its staff the global diversity of approaches to development issues.

Development is a comprehensive process that involves economic, social, and environmentaldimensions – the three pillars of sustainable development.

And, frankly, I have concerns about some of the World Bank’s views and priorities in recent decades. For example, while the Bank has made important contributions to the nurturing of deep financial sectors, it still has much to learn about financial inclusiveness and the role that well designed development banks have played in fostering sustainable and inclusive growth in countries around the world. We should never forget, in this regard, that the World Bank is itself a global public-sector development institution.

The Bank contributed significantly in its early decades to the development of high-quality physical infrastructure, a critical area that, unfortunately, was later marginalized. The return of this issue to the center of the Bank’s focus is a welcome development.

Above all, I believe that economic development should be viewed as a process of persistent structural change, which, if successful, supports constant technological upgrading of production and trade. This approach was central to the World Bank’s activities up to the 1970’s, and, while it has been partly revived, it is still far from being incorporated into the Bank’s operations.

The goal of development is greater and more equitable human welfare. Human development is about much more than the generation of human capital: it is essentially about expanding the scope of human freedom. And that can be achieved only with universal education, health care, and social protection.

Targeting can be a useful instrument of universal policies, but it can never serve as a substitute for them. Likewise, social protection goes beyond the narrow concept of the “social safety net” that has dominated debate in recent decades. The concept of the “social protection floor,” recently proposed by theBachelet Report (produced by the International Labor Organization under the leadership of former Chilean President Michelle Bachelet) provides better intellectual grounding.

Equity and inclusiveness require placing the advancement of the poor and other marginalized groups at the center of development specialists’ concern. In particular, gender equality deserves special attention, an approach that the World Bank today rightly characterizes as smart economics.

Guaranteeing these objectives is not just about compensating for market outcomes and social forces that generate or reproduce inequalities. It is also about incorporating these objectives into economic policymaking, by placing the creation of fulfilling jobs and well-developed welfare institutions at the center of the economic agenda, and by respecting the role of cultural diversity in economic development.

This approach also applies to the environmental pillar of development: intervention to counter damage generated by the economy is not enough. Environmental concerns must be fully assimilated into economic policymaking – that is, into the incentive structure that drives decisions. Only then can economic development be made compatible with the contributions that developing countries must make to mitigating climate change and preserving our planet’s remaining natural forests and biological diversity.

The World Bank’s capacity to contribute to achieving these goals depends on it remaining a true global institution with a special responsibility vis-à-vis the world’s poorest countries and a commitment to helping middle-income countries face their own challenges. It must count on the vision and contributions of more advanced nations, as well as those of emerging powers. And it must do so as part of the system of global governance, strengthening its cooperation with other multilateral organizations, in particular those in the United Nations system and regional and subregional development banks.

These are the development principles and priorities for which I stand. If elected to head the world’s leading development institution, I will work with all of its members to fulfill them.

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