Another huge popular C4 explosion in Malaysia will very likely ensue. Malaysian are already furious their democratic election always distorted by the state election commission, a tool of the Najib and Mahathir now ruling Malaysia. The commission , corrupting the election in advance. The vote was set up to split the votes of Islamists between numerous candidates.
The Bersih 3.0 rally for free and fair elections on April 28 had turned violent shortly after riot police fired tear gas and water cannons to disperse the crowd of thousands in the streets of the capital.
Policemen were seen attacking protesters but pockets of demonstrators also turned on the police, pelting them with hard objects such as broken concrete slabs, mineral water bottles and stones.
In his posting today, Dr Mahathir did not name any individual but made specific mention to a “favourite candidate” of the foreign powers, whom he accused of deliberately timing the violence for when the general election is drawing near.
This “favourite candidate”, he added, could do no wrong in the eyes of these foreign powers and any governmental action against this individual would later be regarded as an attempt to undermine the person’s chances of ousting the current administration.
“If you are a favourite candidate of foreign powers for regime change, you can do what you like, and any governmental action against you would be labelled as uncalled for oppression,” he said in the posting on his blog chedet.co.cc.
In his previous postings, Dr Mahathir had named Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim as the candidate of foreign powers and accused the United States government and Israel as being co-conspirators in a plan to affect a regime change in Malaysia through the opposition leader.
“That the ‘favourite’ purposely timed his violence just when elections are near would be ignored. That the provocation of the police is deliberate and meant to elicit ‘police brutality’ will also be ignored.
“That the police are beaten up, that police cars have their glass windshields smashed and the police car is overturned in full view of TV cameras — all these are inconsequential,” he said.
All this, according to Dr Mahathir, makes the case for his claim that equality before the law was merely a fiction of democracy.
He said that any action against the opposition by the government would never be deemed as an exercise in legal equality. Rather, it would be seen as a political move.
“Blatant criminal acts by the opposition leaders must be regarded as permissible. In law they must be considered as privileged people,” he said.
But on the flip side, added the country’s longest-serving prime minister, the police are expected to be punished for their alleged crimes against the people.
READMOREhttp://suarakeadilanmalaysia.wordpress.com/2012/06/03/unless-the-bersih-revolution-continuesmahathir-and-najib-take-our-freedom-forever/“There really is no equality before the law. Instead there is blatant inequality; there is bias in favour of some people especially the aspirants for regime change,” he said.As another example, Dr Mahathir added that the law often favours the rich as they are able to hire “brilliant and fearsome lawyers” instead of the ordinary run-of-the-mill legal practitioners.“There is clearly no equality before the law. Get a good expensive lawyer and you can get away with murder. Get a bad cheap lawyer and you may be hanged for someone else’s murder,” he pointed out. The government’s use of the very tools of democracy to go against democracy is becoming an evil art form. Former Prime Minister Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad has been more than his hyper-active self in the past fortnight, not only making preposterous statements about the political situation in the country but doing his utmost to fob …Read more
Four cars and two stray black angus cows in the middle of U.S. 15 Friday night resulted in one injury — a cut left hand — and a dead cow.
The multi-car crash happened at about 7:26 p.m., on northbound U.S. 15 about a quarter-mile south of the Taneytown Road exit
Be forewarned that this “feelgood” pep-talk means nothing less than pressing problems somewhere else. There so many at the moment that can cause the mouth to shoot off its mark and so be prepared for these red herrings.It won’t be surprising that the expenses of these two American tourists are being taken up by one of the ministries.
COMMENT It must have been a sign of increasing ideological coherence that both Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng and Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim adverted to the same thinker when speaking the other day about what they understood about the concept of development.
Presently, the development theories of Nobel laureate Amartya Sen appear to be recommended reading for the two top leaders of an opposition coalition that’s within sight of taking over Putrajaya.
SAY NO TO RACISM: “WE SHIFT CHANNEL WHEN MAHATHIR APPEARS”
by J. Fischer
‘We Shift the Channel when Mahathir Appears‘: A powerful form of ethnic state nationalism, driven the dominant political party, United Malay National Organisation (UMNO), aspires to partake in globalisation by marketing information and communications technology (ICT) and the Internet.
The Internet has effected drastic political and cultural changes in contemporary Malaysia. This article argues that ‘the political’ in modern Malaysia is best explored in the interfaces between the state’s Internet fascination, censorship and authoritarianism on the one hand and, on the other, everyday media consumption in what Michael Herzfeld has called “cultural intimacy” among the emerging Malay middle class. Discussing ethnographic material from suburban Malay middle class homes collect in 2001-2002, I show how these Malays understand and appropriate the Islamic political party, Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) bid to promote itself as a modern and democratic party by launching the website, HarakahDaily.net in the political and religious atmosphere post 9-11.
I situate this piece of historical ethnography in recent transformations of the political Internet and censorship in Malaysia...Read On: J Fischer
The second, decisive round of Egypt’s presidential election will be held June 16 and 17. If former general and Mubarak regime stalwart Ahmad Shafiq somehow wins, it’salmost certain the vote was manipulated.
A huge popular explosion in Egypt will very likely ensue. Egyptians are already furious their first democratic election of a president was distorted by the state election commission, a tool of the military junta now ruling Egypt. The commission vetoed many popular and capable candidates from the election for spurious reasons, corrupting the election in advance. The vote was set up to split the votes of Islamists between numerous candidates.
In the end, two candidates, the Muslim Brotherhood’s Mohamed Morsi and former Maj. General Ahmad Shafiq, were left facing one another in the runoff vote.
I observed Egypt’s parliamentary vote that began at the end of 2011 and ended in early 2012. This vote was fair, open and laudably democratic. Its outcome was only a surprise to the western media, which routinely misunderstands or misreports the Mideast. The Islamists — the Brotherhood and orthodox Salafist al-Nur Party — won a landslide with 66% of the popular vote.
In other words, two of three Egyptians voted for parties advocating government under Islamic principles. Horrified, Egypt’s military, backed and financed by western powers and some conservative Arab allies, set about trying to split the Islamists, reinvigorating the Mubarak regime, and making sure the presidential election would be an uphill struggle for the Islamists.
The first round of the presidential election was clearly tainted by vote rigging, a specialty of the old Mubarak regime. The military’s candidate, Shafiq, won easily in districts that had given landslide victories to the Islamists.
The Islamists were to blame for some of this. They failed to unite, splitting the vote. They failed to convince deeply worried Coptic Christians, who comprise 10% of Egypt’s population, that Islamists would not be a threat to Christianity or enforce draconian Salafist practices. They did not sufficiently emphasize their commitment to democracy or youth issues.
Another key factor that I witnessed across Egypt was the military junta’s ploy of withdrawing police from the streets and actually encouraging a crime wave to develop in a nation that was one of the world’s most crime-free societies in spite of its grinding poverty. Many Egyptians were frightened by the rising crime wave into supporting Shafiq and his military backers who vowed to crush crime with an iron first.
Even so, it strains comprehension that Shafiq is now running neck-and-neck with Islamist Morsi. There is even talk that if Shafiq wins, he will name the hated former intelligence chief Omar Suleiman as prime minister. A Shafiq victory would mean a return to absolute Mubarakism, without Mubarak.
Egypt did not stage its revolution so that Mubarakist autocracy and the fierce police state that kept it in power could return. So that the circles of corrupt businessmen and cronies around Mubarak could resume their plundering of the economy. Or so that Egypt could remain under the thumb of the United States and, indirectly, Israel. But that’s what could happen.
In fact, a big question is how Egypt’s Islamist-nationalists could get by without some $1.3 billion in US annual military and economic aid.
Morsi should vow to appoint popular Nasserist Hamdin Sabahi as his prime minister and name Copts to senior positions. He will have to quickly seek economic aid from the EU — at a time when it is awash with troubles.
Washington is deeply alarmed the Brotherhood may abrogate the hated, one-sided 1979 Camp David treaty with Israel. Most Egyptians rightly see the treaty as void because Israel violated one of its most important provisions: that Israel would withdraw from the West Bank and permit creation of a Palestinian state. But in a US election year in which pro-Israel forces dominate the Republican Party, Egypt’s nationalists and Islamist are well advised caution.
It’s no coincidence young Egyptians dismiss the Brotherhood, “your grandfather’s party.” Its conservative members, many engineers and academics, have little experience in the dirty game of politics and often appears stuffy and slow.
But if Shafiq and the military win the next vote, Egyptians could turn dangerously radical as the revolution that began in Tahrir Square goes violent.