Titiwangsa MP Datuk Johari is the fascinating person of 2013
Now that almost everything to do with Maria Chin Abdullah ’s open defiance to elected government Coalition for Free and Fair Elections’ (Bersih) new steering committee will now start pressuring the agong for a new Election Commission (EC) to replace the existing members. has been discussed and debated. Now that has closed the chapter transgression following now that yet another Traitor Maria Chin Abdulla ’s treason pressuring our Agong write to the PM not defied a elected governtemt of Najib fledgling political hopeful, made a mistake it would be loath to recognize, let alone admit? for an organization seeking to achieve the unprecedented the new broom of an organization seeking to break through glass and steel ceilings, and in one dramatic leap soar from street anger to responsible office? Is this broom is to brash to recognize status of the constitution. point is the stability and strength of the institutions of Malaysian democracy Some people cite such strength to argue that Najib poses no serious threat to democracy. Even if he has anti-democratic instincts, our institutions would not only protect themselves Malaysian democracy is still young and evolving. It is weak and malleable in many places, vulnerable to opportunistic pressure from outside the repressed will return in ugly and distorted forms, posing problems for governance .Likewise, harsh crackdowns on what’s construed as hate speech can have perverse effects. It allows governments and mobs to do anything they find offensive as hate speech. can get away with anything, while artists, intellectuals and members of civil society are penalised for their views.Laws and government must followed not realm of cultural and political provocationas dissident movements , other than those offered by our total revolutionaries? Hunt’ the villains, there is hope, even if there is a blinding sand storm that is coming our way the government has the duty uphold the rule of law and fulfil a political and moral obligation.
Which is what makes Anwar loyalist Azmin Ali ‘s sulk more than a little sad. There is the sulk that can be a potent tool of blackmail and then there is the one that craves an acknowledgement of symbolic significance, and unfortunately Mr Azmin Al ‘s attempt falls in the latter category. In the former case, the sulk comes at a strategic time, and is backed by a specific demand. It also rests on a knowledge of one’s own indispensability to the other side. The sulk is used to dramatically alter the previous state of equilibrium by raising the stakes significantly at a crucial moment. This kind of sulk belongs to the Mahathir school of thought where a tantrum is used as a pivotal moment in enforcing a new reality.
The other kind of sulk is the one more commonly used by the likes of Mahathir , where it used as a reflexive vehicle of communication rather than as a deliberate instrument of change. It is an expression of an emotional response that spills over, and comes without a coherent plan. Here the only possible solution that can be imagined is that of saving face of the one sulking by some symbolic act of appeasement. Like the elderly relative at an Indian wedding, who becomes the temporary cynosure of attention because of some exaggerated problem he has found with something trivial, the only solution is to give the sulking person some emotional balm and make indulgent soothing sounds Anwar loyalist Azmin Ali’s sulk was nothing but an invitation to be put to be put to pasture in an appropriately respectful way- the equivalent of a lifetime achievement award or the position of a chief minister, connoting ritual significance but emphatically denying importance.
Anwar loyalist Azmin Ali is sulking, and that means that denial of displeasure by way of an excuse must necessarily be accompanied by a very public demonstration of unhappiness by ensuring that the excuse is obviously flimsy. The assertion that ‘I am not upset, I am only unwell’ needs to be said huffily enough to leave people in no doubt as to the fact that the opposite is true.
‘Anarchy’ means ‘an absence of law or government’. Can any government — which is supposed to be the embodiment of the rule of law in society — be ‘anarchic’, represent an absence of government, an absence of itself? Is such a political paradox possible?Have we forgotten the pain during the Bersih rally when the government decided to fire tear gas into the crowd?
Mahatma Gandhi told the British: “Leave India to God or to anarchy.” Sixty-six years after Independence, India seems to be fulfilling this prophecy, in terms of anarchy. In what has widely been seen as a veiled reference to activist Datuk Ambiga Sreenevasan that “popu-list anarchy cannot be a substitute for good governance”Datuk Ambiga.was the referring to the constitutional propriety — or impropriety — of a duly elected chief minister sitting in dharna in effect against his own administration? Whether or not the reference was indeed to Anwarl has picked up the gauntlet and said that he would welcome a national debate on the subject, which hinges around PKR’s style of functioning which an increasing number of commentators — including former supporters — are describing as being ‘anarchic’.PKR must show an “overwhelmingly good reason” for a by-election in Selangor’s Kajang state seat, in light of the public’s growing unhappiness over the sudden move, The resignation of Kajang assemblyman Lee Chin Cheh to allow PKR de facto leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim to contest the seat is a betrayal of trust
It is interesting that the tantrum is such a common part of our political landscape. One would think that an act that reeks of immaturity and emotional neediness would have little place in the very adult world of politics, but that is far being true in Selangor. The fact that so many politicians throw tantrums underlines the fact there is a market for these, in that at some level we accept the legitimacy of the expectation that drives such behaviour. The idea that adults retain a healthy dollop of childishness within them is implicitly understood and accepted. One has only to go back to the time when Mahathir declined to lead the government and remember the bizarre and utterly cringe-worthy display of emotion that so many senior UMNO leaders engaged in on national television. It was as if the leaders of the country had regressed into a state of infantile neediness, so naked were they in their abjectness.
The dividing line between a show of strength and an admission of irrelevance is a thin one. Sometimes a gesture speaks much louder than any substantive action. The transparent excuse used by Anwar loyalist Azmin Ali in this case points to his unwillingness to really rock the boat as well as his inability to compel compliance to his desires. Trapped in a reality he can neither accept nor change, his gesture is one of empty petulance and signals the end of an era. When the past becomes clingy and burdensome, it becomes much easier to shrug off. This might be that moment for the pkr. As to what its future is under Anwar, is another question altogether.Rare Umno lawmaker Johari, who is also member of Parliament for Titiwangs You probably have heard this before “Nice people finish last” and perhaps have experienced it as well – watching pushy, inconsiderate individuals get the job you wanted or have received the romantic attention of someone you have been pining for. It didn’t seem fair, did it? … Read more