The most obvious lesson is not to be overconfident of course.Another lesson is to never let our urban bubble prevent us from understanding a demographic as a whole.The media made it look like the entire world (understandably) thought of Trump as a buffoon. This was probably largely true of many urban Americans; but urban Americans and the America the media imagines (or rather sells to) don’t decide elections.Malaysia has a similar significant urban/rural divide. All major urban areas have solidly voted opposition in recent elections, but Barisan Nasional remains firmly in power off the back of rural support.
It’s an area and a (much less visible) demographic that the opposition truly does not understand well, and surrounding oneself with like-minded urbanites is unlikely to change this status quo. As an aside, this is also probably the reason PAS’ relevance will be unlikely to diminish anytime soon.
Any democracy is hobbled without an Opposition. where a government wheezes, gasps and limps triumphantly to the finish line because there is no other horse in the race?where a government wheezes, gasps and limps triumphantly to the finish line because there is no other horse in the race? PAS is not a particularly reassuring template. In the turbulence between DAP and PAS, its UMNO defections strategy infected democracy so badly that it destroyed the credibility of non-umno parties. should PAS still be a player in 2018 elections. Now that PAS has allied with umno, Najib can legitimately claim to have seen everything, been everywhere. . However, nostalgia does not buy votes. Votes go to those who sell a future, not those who re-brand the past.
Najib has managed to hold on to power, but not without incurring serious costs. Growing authoritarianism, widening political polarisation, deepening ethnic tensions and discredited immoral leadership have damaged Malaysia’s social and political fabric. Najib’s mismanagement is also evident in the economy’s contraction and the depreciating currency. That thousands braved threats of arrest and thuggery to attend the Bersih 5 rally shows that many Malaysians are willing to fight on and will not be cowed. The test ahead will be the point when Najib’s fear campaign backfires more widely, and more Malaysians realize that the only thing they have to fear is Najib himself.
the Trump phenomenon would be just as significant even if he had lost. The victory was a function of the way in which the rules of this particular game operated, but the fact that he appealed to so many at such a visceral level is the development that needs to be better understood.The truth is that it doesn’t really matter what made him win, for his win is nothing more than a statistical detail. Not in the sense that his win is not a significant event, for it clearly is a momentous era-defining victory,China has a vested interest in keeping a weak, dependent, autocratic leader in power. Little attention is being paid to the potential loss of Malaysian territory to the Chinese, to the unfavourable terms of these arrangements and their limited positive impact on Malaysia’s economy. Guarding against the possibility of electoral defeat, Najib has also established the new National Security Council, which came into effect in August and allows the prime minister to dictatorially declare a state of emergency through a body made up of his own appointees. At the same time, Najib has created a new special defence force and increased his personal protection. There is a strong feeling in some quarters that this is not to time to go soft Najib and what he signifies, that any time attempt to empathise makes excuses on behalf of Najib and normalizes what should be abhorrent. This might appear to be a strong and uncompromising view, but it ignores the fact that today it is democracy that is increasingly throwing up popular demagogues, and by doing more of what of has created this phenomenon in the first place, is the surest way of ensuring that Najib is not an aberration, but the norm.
Most of us ordinary mortals who work for scant rewards and only wish to enjoy, undisturbed, the fruits of our labour, are caught up in a war that we do not even realise had been declared on our behalf. This war is ideological and political, although it wears the sheep’s clothing of fighting for we Malaysians. Confusingly and maddeningly, its stated objectives have metamorphosed as the generals in whose hands we placed our destinies strategize on the battlefield, and the casualties rise. While doing so we cast about for a central reason for the war. Is it a war for free, honest goverenment being waged against the forces of corruption and criminality? Or is it a war that will leave the enemy unvanquished, for our commanders to switch their objectives to other, less worthy, foes altogether? Politician will use both psychological and philosophical tools to sift through the causes, effects and after-shocks of the events many of us are experiencing post-traumatic stress disorder, although we don’t know it. the difference between ideology and philosophy.One politician who was equally percipient,former U.S. president Bill Clinton.Philosophers want to engage in discussion and argument, Clinton said in a 2006 speech. “The problem with ideology is, if you’ve got an ideology, you’ve already got your mind made up; you know all the answers. And, that makes evidence irrelevant and argument a waste of time. So, you [use] assertion and attack.”
This week’s UMNO meeting reflects rising paranoia. So far Najib has managed to hold on to power, but not without incurring serious costs. Growing authoritarianism, widening political polarisation, deepening ethnic tensions and discredited immoral leadership have damaged Malaysia’s social and political fabric. Najib’s mismanagement is also evident in the economy’s contraction and the depreciating currency. That thousands braved threats of arrest and thuggery to attend the Bersih 5 rally shows that many Malaysians are willing to fight on and will fight on and will not be cowed.
Besides the sheer impact of the obtained effects, there is another noteworthy aspect of the results: the process of persuasion is governed by psychological laws, which means that similar procedures can produce similar results over a wide range of situations. And, if persuasion is lawful, it is learnable. Whether possessed of an inherent talent for influence or not, whether insightful about the methods or not, whether a gifted artisan of the language or not, it is possible to learn scientifically established techniques that allow any of us to be more influential.
Importantly different from Influence is the science-based evidence of not just what best to say to persuade but also when best to say it. From that evidence, it is possible to learn how to recognise and monitor the natural emergence of opportune moments of influence. It is also possible to learn how to create those moments. Whether operating as a moment monitor or a moment maker, the individual who knows how to time a request, recommendation, or proposal properly will do exceedingly well. It’s about time(ing). From: Pre-Suasion: A Revolutionary Way to Influence and Persuade